Doxxing: A Cybercrime That Violates Data Privacy and Protection
DOXXING AS A CYBERCRIME IN NIGERIA:
A Legal Analysis in Light of the
Cybercrimes (Amendment) Act 2024
By Dada, Olumide Olumuyiwa, LLB, ACIPM, HRPL, LLM
Candidate
Abstract
The
digital age has given rise to a particularly dangerous form of harassment known
as doxxing — the deliberate, non-consensual online exposure of a person's
private information with intent to harm. This article examines how Nigerian law
addresses doxxing conduct, with particular focus on the changes introduced by
the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) (Amendment) Act 2024, signed
into law by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on 28 February 2024. The 2024 Amendment
significantly reformed the most controversial provision, Section 24, stripping
it of its previously vague and overbroad language in partial compliance with
the ECOWAS Court of Justice judgment in Inc. Trustees of Laws and Rights
Awareness Initiative v. Federal Republic of Nigeria (ECW/CCJ/JUD/16/20). The
article analyses the amended provisions applicable to doxxing, situates them
within Nigerian case law — including the landmark decisions in Okedara v.
Attorney-General of the Federation and Eniola Badmus v. Okoye Blessing Nwakaego
— and draws on comparative jurisprudence from the United States, United
Kingdom, and Australia. While the 2024 Amendment represents meaningful
progress, this article argues that it falls short of a comprehensive solution
and that targeted anti-doxxing legislation remains necessary.
1. Introduction: Your Private Life, Made Public
Picture this: you wake up
one morning to find your home address, phone number, workplace, and family
photographs circulating freely on social media posted by someone who intends to
humiliate you, silence you, or worse, send others to your door. This is
doxxing. It is not a hypothetical threat. It is a growing reality for
journalists, activists, public figures, and ordinary Nigerians who have
attracted the attention of malicious actors in the digital space.
The word doxxing
derives from the informal abbreviation of "dropping documents" — that
is, publishing a dossier of personal information about a target. The
International Encyclopedia of Gender, Media, and Communication defines it as
the intentional revelation of a person's private information online without
their consent, often with malicious intent, including the sharing of phone
numbers, home addresses, identification numbers, personal photographs, and any
other information that could expose the victim to harassment, humiliation,
stalking, or real-life threats (Sen Nguyen, CNN, 2023).
Doxxing is a tool of
intimidation. Its victims are disproportionately women, activists, journalists,
and minority voices. When personal information is weaponised online, the consequences
can be devastating from job loss and reputational damage to physical violence.
In Nigeria, this conduct
is not without legal consequence. The Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention,
etc.) Act 2015 ("the Principal Act") already contained provisions
applicable to doxxing conduct. On 28 February 2024, President Bola Tinubu
signed the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) (Amendment) Act 2024
("the 2024 Amendment" or "the Amended Act"), which amended
twelve sections of the Principal Act and significantly transformed the most
frequently debated provision — Section 24. This article analyses both the
original framework and the changes introduced by the 2024 Amendment, and asks:
how well-equipped is Nigeria's law to deal with doxxing today?
2. Understanding Doxxing: Definition, Forms,
and Harms
Before turning to the law,
it is important to understand what doxxing actually involves. Doxxing is not a
single, uniform act. It manifests in a variety of forms, each with distinct
motivations and consequences:
•
Targeted harassment doxxing: A person's private
contact information is shared in online communities with an invitation explicit
or implicit for others to harass them. This is the most common form.
•
Revenge doxxing: Private information, sometimes
including intimate photographs or messages, is shared by a former partner as a
form of retribution.
•
Vigilante doxxing: Information about a person
accused of wrongdoing is published to expose them to public censure sometimes
with tragic consequences, even where the accusation is false.
•
Politically motivated doxxing: Activists,
journalists, or public officials are targeted in order to silence their views
or deter their public participation.
The harms caused by
doxxing are well-documented. They include severe psychological distress, damage
to professional reputation, economic loss, physical danger including stalking
and assault, and in extreme cases death. In the United States, the case of Anglin
v. Gresh illustrates this vividly: a sustained doxxing campaign
targeting Tanya Gersh, a Jewish real estate agent, resulted in her receiving
hundreds of threatening and antisemitic messages. The perpetrator, Andrew
Anglin, was ordered to pay USD $14 million in damages one of the largest
doxxing-related civil judgments on record.
It is within this context
of real and measurable harm that Nigerian law must be assessed.
3. The Legal Framework Before the 2024
Amendment
The Cybercrimes
(Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act 2015 was enacted as a unified legal
framework for combating cybercrimes in Nigeria. When it came to doxxing, three
provisions were especially relevant: Section 24 (cyberstalking and offensive
electronic communications), Section 22 (identity theft and impersonation), and
Section 13 (computer-related forgery).
However, Section 24
quickly became notorious not merely for what it criminalised, but for how it
was misused. The original Section 24(1)(b) criminalised messages sent "for
the purpose of causing annoyance, inconvenience, danger, obstruction, insult,
injury, criminal intimidation, enmity, hatred, ill will, or needless
anxiety." These sweeping, ill-defined terms gave law enforcement near-unlimited
discretion to criminalise online expression, and that discretion was repeatedly
abused.
Inc. Trustees of
Laws and Rights Awareness Initiative v. Federal Republic of Nigeria
(ECOWAS Court of Justice, ECW/CCJ/JUD/16/20, 2020): In this landmark case, the
ECOWAS Court of Justice declared Section 24 of the 2015 Act vague, arbitrary,
and repressive. The court held that the provision violated Article 9 of the
African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and Article 19 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) international
instruments to which Nigeria is a party and ordered Nigeria to repeal or amend
Section 24 accordingly. The Federal Government ignored this judgment for four
years, continuing to deploy Section 24 against journalists and critics, before
finally acting in 2024.
Okedara v.
Attorney-General of the Federation (Court of Appeal, Lagos, 2020):
Simultaneously, Solomon Okedara, a Lagos-based digital rights lawyer,
challenged Section 24 in the Nigerian courts on the ground that it violated
Section 39 of the 1999 Constitution (freedom of expression). The Federal High
Court per Buba J. dismissed the application, holding that Section 24(1) was not
unconstitutionally vague. The Court of Appeal affirmed this, finding that the
restriction on free expression was a permissible limitation under Section 45 of
the Constitution. Notably, however, Okedara himself later commented after the
2024 Amendment that the reformed provision "could have been more specific
in wording" acknowledging that even the amended version leaves room for
misuse.
The documented use of
Section 24 against journalists is extensive. Journalist Jones Abiri was charged
under the Cybercrimes and Terrorism Acts in 2019 for his reporting. In 2023,
journalist Saint Mienpamo Onitsha was arrested, flown to Abuja, and charged
under Section 24 for his reporting on tensions in Nigeria's Niger Delta. These
cases illustrated precisely the danger of vague statutory language in a legal
environment with limited judicial oversight of prosecutorial conduct.
4. The Cybercrimes (Amendment) Act 2024: What
Changed?
Overview: Signed
into law on 28 February 2024, the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.)
(Amendment) Act 2024 amended twelve sections of the Principal Act. It was
sponsored by Senator Shehu Buba (APC, Bauchi South) and represented the Federal
Government's long-overdue response to the 2020 ECOWAS Court judgment. The key
changes relevant to doxxing are examined below.
4.1 The Amended Section 24: A Narrower, More
Targeted Provision
The most significant
change for doxxing purposes is the wholesale reformulation of Section 24(1).
The old provision — with its sweeping references to "annoyance,"
"ill will," "needless anxiety," and "grossly offensive"
messages — has been replaced with a considerably narrower formulation. The
amended Section 24(1) now reads:
"Any person who
knowingly or intentionally sends a message or other matter by means of computer
systems or network that (a) [is] pornographic; or (b) he knows to be false, for
the purpose of causing a breakdown of law and order, posing a threat to life,
or causing such messages to be sent commits an offence under this Act and shall
be liable on conviction to a fine of not more than N7,000,000.00 or
imprisonment for a term of not more than 3 years or to both such fine and
imprisonment."
The penalty remains
unchanged: a fine of not more than N7,000,000 or imprisonment for up to three
years, or both.
The implications for
doxxing law are significant and must be understood in both their positive and
limiting dimensions.
What the Amendment
achieves: By removing the words "annoyance," "insult,"
"ill will," "needless anxiety," and "grossly
offensive" from Section 24, the 2024 Amendment substantially reduces the
risk of the provision being used as a weapon against legitimate journalism,
political criticism, and ordinary online expression. The new provision is
narrower and more focused: it targets content that is pornographic, or that is
knowingly false and designed to threaten life or cause a breakdown of public
order. This construction aligns more closely with the democratic principle that
criminal law should target harmful conduct, not mere offensiveness.
What the Amendment does
not fully achieve implications for doxxing: Here lies the critical limitation
for doxxing victims. The original Section 24(1)(b), for all its flaws, could
conceivably capture a range of doxxing conduct the deliberate publication of
private information to cause "enmity," "criminal
intimidation," or harassment of a target. The amended Section 24
criminalises only two categories: pornographic content, and knowingly false
content sent to cause breakdown of law and order or a threat to life. Doxxing,
however, frequently involves the disclosure of information that is true a
person's real home address, real phone number, real employer. Such
true-but-harmful doxxing conduct does not fit neatly within the amended Section
24(1)(b), which requires the content to be false.
Furthermore, as civil
society organisations including Paradigm Initiative and SERAP have observed,
the phrase "causing a breakdown of law and order" remains undefined.
As the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID) has noted, this
undefined phrase could still be weaponised by law enforcement: a publication
can be characterised as capable of causing a "breakdown of law and
order" with considerable latitude, depending on who is doing the
characterising.
The application of the
amended Section 24 to doxxing was tested in the important decision of Eniola
Badmus v. Okoye Blessing Nwakaego (Suit No. FHC/L/CS/2023, Federal High
Court, Lagos, decided 2 August 2023 pre-amendment, but decided under the
Principal Act). In that case, TikToker Okoye Blessing Nwakaego was charged
under Sections 24(1)(b), 24(2)(a)(c) and 27 of the Cybercrimes Act for
spreading false and defamatory content about Nollywood actress Eniola Badmus
across TikTok, Gossipmill TV, and Remedy Blog. The false video which falsely alleged
that Badmus was a pimp was viewed by over three million people. Justice
Nicholas Oweibo convicted Nwakaego on a guilty plea and sentenced her to three
years' imprisonment, with an option of a fine of N150,000. Under the 2024
Amendment, the conduct in Eniola Badmus the deliberate spread of
knowingly false content about a named individual would still fall within
Section 24(1)(b) of the amended Act, since it involved false information. What
changes is that cases involving true disclosures (classic doxxing) are
now harder to prosecute under Section 24 alone.
4.2 Amended Section 22: Expanded Identity Theft
Provisions
The 2024 Amendment also
significantly expanded the scope of Section 22, which deals with identity theft
and impersonation. Under the original 2015 Act, Section 22 liability for
identity theft was limited primarily to employees of financial institutions.
The amended Sections 22 and 27 now extend this liability to employees in all
sectors. Any person regardless of their industry who misuses their access
to personal data to fraudulently impersonate another or to obtain property
under false pretences may now be held criminally liable.
Under the 2024 Amendment,
the penalty for identity theft under Section 22 was also updated: upon
conviction, an offender may be liable to imprisonment for a term of not more
than five years, or a fine of not more than N7,000,000, respectively.
For doxxing cases where
the perpetrator goes beyond merely revealing information and proceeds to use
that information to impersonate the victim online or commit fraud in the
victim's name the expanded Section 22 provides a more powerful prosecutorial
tool than the 2015 Act afforded.
This position finds
international support in the US Supreme Court decision in Elonis v.
United States 575 U.S. 723 (2015), where the court held that criminal
liability for harmful online conduct requires proof of the defendant's mental
state. The "fraudulent or dishonest" intent requirement in the
amended Section 22 mirrors this approach, ensuring that liability attaches only
where there is genuine malicious intent.
4.3 Section 13: Computer-Related Forgery
(Unchanged)
Section 13 of the
Cybercrimes Act, which criminalises computer-related forgery including the
fabrication and dissemination of false electronic documents containing personal
information was not substantively amended by the 2024 Act. It remains available
in doxxing cases where the perpetrator manufactures fake screenshots, forged
messages, or fabricated records to accompany the exposure of a victim's
personal details. The penalty is a fine not exceeding N7,000,000 or
imprisonment for up to seven years, or both.
4.4 Other Relevant 2024 Amendments
Data retention and
service provider obligations (amended Section 38): The 2024 Amendment
imposes enhanced data retention obligations on service providers, who must now
keep and protect traffic data and subscriber information for two years. While
this raises legitimate concerns about mass surveillance, it also strengthens
the investigative toolkit available to law enforcement in doxxing cases:
digital footprints that might previously have been lost can now be preserved
for prosecution.
72-hour cyber threat reporting
(amended Section 21): The timeline for reporting cyber threats was
shortened from seven days to 72 hours. While this provision primarily targets
institutional cyber threats rather than individual doxxing incidents, it
reflects a broader effort to build a more responsive cyber incident management
ecosystem.
Cybersecurity levy
(Section 44): The 2024 Amendment introduced an electronic transaction levy
of 0.5% on transactions by specified businesses to fund the National
Cybersecurity Fund. Though unrelated to doxxing directly, this levy is intended
to resource Nigeria's cybersecurity infrastructure, including institutions that
support cybercrime enforcement.
5. The Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023: A
Complementary Shield
Beyond the Cybercrimes Act
as amended, the Nigeria Data Protection Act 2023 (NDPA) Nigeria's most comprehensive
data protection statute provides an important complementary layer of protection
for doxxing victims. The NDPA, which replaced the Nigeria Data Protection
Regulation 2019, governs the collection, storage, processing, and disclosure of
personal data. The non-consensual disclosure of a person's personal data precisely
what doxxing involves constitutes a violation of the NDPA, and the Nigeria Data
Protection Commission (NDPC) established under the Act has the power to
investigate complaints and impose administrative sanctions.
Notably, the 2024
Amendment to the Cybercrimes Act explicitly requires service providers to
comply with the NDPA (amended Section 38), creating a formal link between the
two legal regimes. This means that a doxxing victim may pursue remedies on two
simultaneous tracks: a criminal prosecution under the Cybercrimes Act (Amended)
and a regulatory complaint to the NDPC under the NDPA. This dual-track approach
represents a meaningful improvement in the legal landscape for privacy
protection in Nigeria.
6. International Comparative Analysis
A brief comparative survey
of how other jurisdictions approach doxxing is instructive both as a guide to
best practice and as a measure of where Nigerian law currently stands,
post-amendment.
6.1 United States
The United States does not
have a single federal anti-doxxing statute. However, the Interstate
Communications Act (18 U.S.C. § 875), the federal Stalking statute (18 U.S.C. §
2261A), and the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act can be applied in appropriate
cases. California Penal Code Section 653.2 makes it unlawful to use an
electronic device to intentionally cause another person to fear for their
safety or to make their personal information available for malicious purposes.
On the free speech
tension, in Bartnicki v. Vopper 532 U.S. 514 (2001), the Supreme
Court confirmed that the First Amendment protects the publication of truthful
information. This is the core challenge for anti-doxxing legislation: much
doxxing involves the publication of information that is true. The Nigerian
approach, post-amendment, now faces the same conceptual challenge the amended
Section 24(1)(b) requires content to be false, meaning true-but-harmful doxxing
is not clearly captured. By contrast, in Virginia v. Black 538
U.S. 343 (2003), the Supreme Court confirmed that "true threats" communications
designed to make the recipient fear for their safety are unprotected by the
First Amendment, providing an opening for anti-doxxing measures where the
disclosure is accompanied by incitement.
6.2 United Kingdom
In the United Kingdom, the
Online Safety Act 2023 which came into force in October 2023 represents a
significant development in online harm regulation and specifically requires
major platforms to address harassment and doxxing conduct. The existing Malicious
Communications Act 1988 and Protection from Harassment Act 1997 continue to
provide both criminal and civil remedies. The UK model of platform regulation,
placing proactive obligations on social media companies to remove harmful
content including doxxing material, is increasingly seen as the future
direction of effective regulation globally.
6.3 Australia — A Model for Reform
Australia has recently
enacted what is arguably the world's most direct legislative response to
doxxing. Following a 2024 incident in which the personal details of over 600
Australian Jewish academics and creatives were leaked from a private WhatsApp
group, leading to death threats and harassment campaigns, the Australian
government enacted the Privacy and Other Legislation Amendment Act 2024, in
force from 10 December 2024. This legislation inserted specific doxxing
offences into the federal Criminal Code Act 1995, with serious penalties
including imprisonment.
Australia's approach is
notable for three reasons. First, it defines doxxing precisely and distinctly,
removing the interpretive uncertainty that plagues general cybercrime
provisions. Second, it recognises both the targeted individual and the
community affected by coordinated doxxing. Third, its serious penalties signal genuine
legislative commitment to deterrence. Nigeria would do well to study this model
carefully.
7. Doxxing, the 2024 Amendment, and the Freedom
of Expression
The 2024 Amendment was, in
significant part, motivated by free expression concerns specifically, the
ECOWAS Court's finding that the original Section 24 was incompatible with the
African Charter and the ICCPR. The amendment therefore consciously sought to
narrow the law's reach, reducing the risk that it would be weaponised against
journalists and critics.
Paradoxically, this
narrowing creates a gap for doxxing victims. The more precisely the law is
focused on false speech and threats to public order, the less it captures the
core doxxing scenario the malicious disclosure of true private information.
This tension between protecting free expression and protecting individual
privacy is one of the central challenges in digital rights law, and the 2024
Amendment, to its credit, does not ignore it but it also does not fully resolve
it.
As SERAP and the Nigeria
Guild of Editors have jointly observed, Section 24 of the Cybercrimes Act as
amended still attracts criticism for residual vagueness. The phrase
"causing a breakdown of law and order" is undefined, and the penalty up
to three years' imprisonment and/or N7,000,000 remains severe. Six civil
society organisations, in a joint statement issued in March 2024, called on the
Federal Government to go further: to introduce judicial oversight requirements,
to define key terms explicitly, and to create clear safe harbours for
journalism and political commentary.
Notwithstanding these
concerns, the Court of Appeal's reasoning in Okedara v. Attorney-General
of the Federation (2020) remains relevant: the right to free expression
guaranteed by Section 39 of the Constitution is not absolute, and a
proportionate, precisely worded restriction aimed at protecting individuals'
privacy and physical safety from online attack is constitutionally justifiable
under Section 45. The 2024 Amendment moves Section 24 closer to that
justifiable standard but further work remains to be done.
8. Remaining Legislative Gaps and the Case for
Further Reform
Despite the positive
changes introduced by the 2024 Amendment, significant gaps remain in Nigeria's
legal treatment of doxxing. These weaknesses limit the ability of victims to
obtain effective redress and reduce the deterrent effect of the law.
First — No specific
anti-doxxing offence: The 2024 Amendment, for all its improvements, did not
introduce a dedicated doxxing offence. Doxxing that does not involve false
content — which is to say, most doxxing remains outside the clear reach of the amended
Section 24. As the Fountain University Law Journal (2025) has observed, the
Cybercrimes Act as amended still fails to directly criminalise doxxing,
trolling, and the non-consensual sharing of location and identity data.
Second —
Under-protection of technology-facilitated gender-based violence: As noted
by LIRAD Nigeria (2025), the removal of "obscene or indecent" content
from the amended Section 24 means that certain non-threatening but deeply
harassing behaviours — such as unsolicited obscene images and persistent online
sexual harassment — may no longer clearly fall within the provision. The
threshold for illegality is now higher, potentially leaving some victims
without recourse.
Third — Continued
misuse post-amendment: The Al Jazeera reporting of April 2024 documented
that journalists continued to be arrested under Section 24 even after the
February 2024 Amendment, with law enforcement agencies citing the 2015 Act as
authority. This reflects not only a failure of training and compliance within
law enforcement but also the persistent ambiguity introduced by the phrase
"breakdown of law and order." The SSRN paper by Prince Ederagobor
(2025) concludes that the amendment "remains insufficient in shielding
Nigerian citizens from arbitrary criminalisation of online expression."
Fourth — Inadequate
penalties for the scale of harm: In the Eniola Badmus case,
involving content viewed by over three million people, the court granted the
option of a fine of a mere N150,000 a
sum widely criticised as inadequate. While the statutory maximum fine of
N7,000,000 is available, the exercise of sentencing discretion in this case
failed to reflect the gravity of harm at scale.
The reform agenda is
clear. Nigeria should:
•
Enact a dedicated anti-doxxing provision that
expressly criminalises the non-consensual online disclosure of personal
information with intent to harm, regardless of whether the information
disclosed is true or false.
•
Define "breakdown of law and order" in
Section 24, as recommended by the ECOWAS Court and civil society organisations,
to eliminate residual ambiguity.
•
Introduce explicit judicial oversight requirements
before law enforcement agencies can use the Cybercrimes Act to arrest
individuals for online expression.
•
Study and adapt Australia's Privacy and Other
Legislation Amendment Act 2024 as a targeted legislative model.
•
Align sentencing practice with the gravity of harm,
particularly where online harmful content is amplified to millions of viewers.
9. Conclusion
Nigeria's legal response
to doxxing has improved significantly with the passage of the Cybercrimes
(Amendment) Act 2024. The reformed Section 24 is narrower, less susceptible to
misuse against journalists and critics, and more aligned with Nigeria's
obligations under the African Charter and the ICCPR. The expanded identity
theft provisions in Section 22 extend protection to victims across all sectors,
not just the financial industry. And the explicit link to the Nigeria Data
Protection Act 2023 creates a dual-track framework through which doxxing
victims may seek both criminal redress and regulatory relief.
Yet the current framework
is incomplete. The absence of a specific doxxing offence, the gap in addressing
true-but-harmful disclosures of private information, and the persistence of
enforcement abuses all represent serious weaknesses. The experience of the Eniola
Badmus case — a striking conviction for the deliberate spread of false
personal content — shows that Nigerian courts can and will act. What is needed
is a legal architecture that gives them the right tools for the full range of
doxxing conduct.
The digital world is not a
lawless space. The 2024 Amendment brought Nigeria meaningfully closer to a
protective framework that is fit for the twenty-first century. The next step —
specific, clear, proportionate anti-doxxing legislation — is one the National
Assembly should take without further delay.
Key
Cases Cited
1 Inc. Trustees of Laws and Rights Awareness Initiative
v. Federal Republic of Nigeria, ECW/CCJ/JUD/16/20 (ECOWAS Court of Justice,
2020) — Section 24 of the 2015 Act declared vague, arbitrary and repressive;
Nigeria ordered to amend.
2 Okedara v. Attorney-General of the Federation (Court of
Appeal, Lagos, 2020) — Section 24 upheld as constitutionally valid; freedom of
expression restrictions permissible under Section 45 of the 1999 Constitution.
3 Eniola Badmus v. Okoye Blessing Nwakaego, Suit No.
FHC/L/CS/2023 (Federal High Court, Lagos, 2 August 2023) — TikToker convicted
and sentenced to 3 years' imprisonment (option N150,000 fine) for spreading
false defamatory content viewed by over three million people.
4 Elonis v. United States, 575 U.S. 723 (2015) —
subjective intent required for criminal liability for online threatening
communications.
5 Bartnicki v. Vopper, 532 U.S. 514 (2001) — First
Amendment protects publication of lawfully obtained truthful information;
central tension with anti-doxxing law.
6 Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003) — 'true threats'
are unprotected by the First Amendment; basis for anti-doxxing prosecutions
where disclosure is accompanied by incitement.
7 Anglin v. Gresh (U.S. District Court, Montana) — USD
$14 million civil damages for doxxing-related antisemitic harassment campaign.
References
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Constitution
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California
Penal Code, § 653.2 (USA).
Online
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Protection
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Malicious
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Privacy
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European
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